China Targets Muslim Women in Push to Suppress Births in Xinjiang
The New York Times. 12 May 2021
Below is an article published by The New York Times. Photo:Gilles Sabrie.
When China’s government ordered women in her mostly Muslim community in the region of Xinjiang to be fitted with contraceptive
devices, Qelbinur Sedik pleaded for an exemption. She was nearly 50 years old, she told officials. She had obeyed the government’s birth
limits and had only one child.
It was no use. The workers threatened to take her to the police if she continued resisting, she said. She gave in and went to a government
clinic where a doctor, using a metal speculum, inserted an intrauterine device to prevent pregnancy. She wept through the procedure.
“I felt like I was no longer a normal woman,” Ms. Sedik said, choking up as she described the 2017 ordeal. “Like I was missing something.”
Across much of China, the authorities are encouraging women to have more children, as they try to stave off a demographic crisis from a
declining birthrate. But in the Xinjiang region, China is forcing them to have fewer, tightening its grip on Muslim ethnic minorities and
trying to orchestrate a demographic shift that will diminish their population growth.
Birthrates in the region have already plunged in recent years as the use of invasive birth control procedures has risen, according to
reports by a noted researcher, Adrian Zenz, along with The Associated Press.
It is part of a vast and repressive social re-engineering campaign by a Communist Party determined to eliminate any perceived challenge
to its rule, in this case, ethnic separatism. Over the past few years, the party, under its top leader, Xi Jinping, has moved aggressively to
subdue Uyghurs and other Central Asian minorities in Xinjiang, putting hundreds of thousands into internment camps and prisons. The
authorities have placed the region under tight surveillance, sent residents to work in factories and placed children in boarding schools.
While the authorities have said the birth control procedures are voluntary, interviews with more than a dozen Uyghurs, Kazakhs and other
Muslim women and men from Xinjiang, as well as a review of official statistics, government notices and reports in the state-run media,
depict a coercive effort by the Chinese Communist Party to control the community’s reproductive rights. The authorities pressured women
to use IUDs or get sterilized. As they recuperated at home, government officials were sent to live with them to watch for signs of
discontent; one woman described having to endure her minder’s groping.
If they had too many children or refused contraceptive procedures, they faced steep fines or, worse, detention in an internment camp. In
the camps, the women were at risk of even more abuse. Some former detainees say they were made to take drugs that stopped their
menstrual cycles. One woman said she had been raped in a camp.
To rights advocates and Western officials, the government’s repression in Xinjiang is tantamount to crimes against humanity and
genocide, in large part because of the efforts to stem the population growth of Muslim minorities. The Trump administration in January
was the first government to declare the crackdown a genocide, with reproductive oppression as a leading reason; the Biden
administration affirmed the label in March.
Ms. Sedik’s experience, reported in The Guardian and elsewhere, helped form the basis for the decision by the United States government.
“It was one of the most detailed and compelling first-person accounts we had,” said Kelley E. Currie, a former United States ambassador
who was involved in the government’s discussions. “It helped to put a face on the horrifying statistics we were seeing.”
Beijing has accused its critics of pushing an anti-China agenda.
A Muslim shrine in Kashgar, in southern Xinjiang. The Chinese government has imposed tight surveillance on the region.
The recent declines in the region’s birthrates, the government has said, were the result of the authorities’ fully enforcing longstanding
birth restrictions. The sterilizations and contraceptive procedures, it said, freed women from backward attitudes about procreation and
“Whether to have birth control or what contraceptive method they choose are completely their own wishes,” Xu Guixiang, a Xinjiang
government spokesman, said at a news conference in March. “No one nor any agency shall interfere.”
To women in Xinjiang, the orders from the government were clear: They didn’t have a choice.
Last year, a community worker in Urumqi, the regional capital, where Ms. Sedik had lived, sent messages saying women between 18 and
59 had to submit to pregnancy and birth control inspections.
“If you fight with us at the door and if you refuse to cooperate with us, you will be taken to the police station,” the worker wrote, according
to screenshots of the WeChat messages that Ms. Sedik shared with The Times.
“Do not gamble with your life,” one message read, “don’t even try.”
ʻI lost all hope in myselfʼ
Children singing at a primary school in Kashgar in April. The Chinese Communist Party’s restrictions have led to a decline in birthrates in the region.
All her life, Ms. Sedik, an ethnic Uzbek, had thought of herself as a model citizen.
After she graduated from college, she married and threw herself into her work, teaching Chinese to Uyghur elementary school students. Mindful of the rules, Ms. Sedik didn’t get pregnant until she had gotten approval from her employer. She had only one child, a daughter, in
Ms. Sedik could have had two children. The rules at the time allowed ethnic minorities to have slightly bigger families than those of the
majority Han Chinese ethnic group, particularly in the countryside. The government even awarded Ms. Sedik a certificate of honor for
staying within the limits.
Then, in 2017, everything changed.
As the government corralled Uyghurs and Kazakhs into mass internment camps, it moved in tandem to ramp up enforcement of birth
controls. Sterilization rates in Xinjiang surged by almost sixfold from 2015 to 2018, to just over 60,000 procedures, even as they plummeted
around the country, according to calculations by Mr. Zenz.
The campaign in Xinjiang is at odds with a broader push by the government since 2015 to encourage births, including by providing tax
subsidies and free IUD removals. But from 2015 to 2018, Xinjiang’s share of the country’s total new IUD insertions increased, even as use
of the devices fell nationwide.
The contraception campaign appeared to work.
Qelbinur Sedik in the Netherlands, where she now lives.
Birthrates in minority-dominated counties in the region plummeted from 2015 to 2018, based on Mr. Zenz’s calculations. Several of these
counties have stopped publishing population data, but Mr. Zenz calculated that the birthrates in minority areas probably continued to fall
in 2019 by just over 50 percent from 2018, based on figures from other counties.
The sharp drop in birthrates in the region was “shocking” and clearly in part a result of the campaign to tighten enforcement of birth
control policies, said Wang Feng, a professor of sociology and expert in Chinese population policies at the University of California, Irvine.
But other factors could include a fall in the number of women of childbearing age, later marriages and postponed births, he said.
As the government pushes back against growing criticism, it has withheld some key statistics, including annually published county-level
data on birthrates and birth control use for 2019. Other official data for the region as a whole showed a steep drop in IUD insertions and
sterilizations that year, though the number of sterilizations was still mostly higher than before the campaign began.
In Beijing’s depiction, the campaign is a victory for the region’s Muslim women.
“In the process of deradicalization, some women’s minds have also been liberated,” a January report by a Xinjiang government research
center read. “They have avoided the pain of being trapped by extremism and being turned into reproductive tools.”
Women like Ms. Sedik, who had obeyed the rules, were not spared. After the IUD procedure, Ms. Sedik suffered from heavy bleeding and
headaches. She later had the device secretly removed, then reinserted. In 2019, she decided to be sterilized.
“The government had become so strict, and I could no longer take the IUD,” said Ms. Sedik, who now lives in the Netherlands after fleeing
China in 2019. “I lost all hope in myself.”
ʻThe women of Xinjiang are in dangerʼ
“Every ethnic group must tightly bind together like the seeds of a pomegranate,” read a propaganda poster quoting China’s leader, Xi Jinping, at a restaurant in Yarkand, Xinjiang, in 2019.
The penalties for not obeying the government were steep. A Han Chinese woman who violated the birth regulations would face a fine,
while a Uyghur or Kazakh woman would face possible detention.
When Gulnar Omirzakh had her third child in 2015, officials in her northern village registered the birth. But three years later, they said she
had violated birth limits and owed $2,700 in fines.
Officials said they would detain Ms. Omirzakh and her two daughters if she did not pay.
She borrowed money from her relatives. Later, she fled to Kazakhstan.
“The women of Xinjiang are in danger,” Ms. Omirzakh said in a telephone interview. “The government wants to replace our people.”
The threat of detention was real.
Three women told The Times they had met other detainees in internment camps who had been locked up for violating birth restrictions.
Dina Nurdybay, a Kazakh woman, said she helped one woman write a letter to the authorities in which she blamed herself for being
ignorant and having too many children.
Such accounts are corroborated by a 137-page government document leaked last year from Karakax County, in southwestern Xinjiang,
which revealed that one of the most common reasons cited for detention was violating birth planning policies.
Those who refused to terminate illegal pregnancies or pay fines would be referred to the internment camps, according to one government
notice from a county in Ili, unearthed by Mr. Zenz, the researcher.
Once women disappeared into the region’s internment camps — facilities operated under secrecy — many were subjected to
interrogations. For some, the ordeal was worse.
Tursunay Ziyawudun was detained in a camp in Ili Prefecture for 10 months for traveling to Kazakhstan. She said that on three occasions,
she was taken to a dark cell where two to three masked men raped her and used electric batons to forcibly penetrate her.
“You become their toy,” Ms. Ziyawudun said in a telephone interview from the United States, where she now lives, as she broke down
sobbing. “You just want to die at the time, but unfortunately you don’t.”
Tursunay Ziyawudun, who now lives in Virginia, said she was raped in a Xinjiang internment camp. “You just want to die at the time, but unfortunately you don’t,” she
said. Gabriella Demczuk for The New York Times5/12/2021 In Xinjiang, China Targets Muslim Women in Push to Suppress Births – The New York Times
Gulbahar Jalilova, the third former detainee, said in an interview that she had been beaten in a camp and that a guard exposed himself
during an interrogation and wanted her to perform oral sex.
The three former detainees, along with two others who spoke to The Times, also described being regularly forced to take unidentified pills
or receive injections of medication that caused nausea and fatigue. Eventually, a few of them said, they stopped menstruating.
The former detainees’ accounts could not be independently verified because tight restrictions in Xinjiang make unfettered access to the
camps impossible. The Chinese government has forcefully denied all allegations of abuse in the facilities.
“The sexual assault and torture cannot exist,” said Mr. Xu, the regional spokesman, at a news briefing in February.
Beijing has sought to undermine the credibility of the women who have spoken out, accusing them of lying and of poor morals, all while
claiming to be a champion of women’s rights.
ʻWe are all Chineseʼ
Even in their homes, the women did not feel safe. Uninvited Chinese Communist Party cadres would show up and had to be let in.
The party sends out more than a million workers to regularly visit, and sometimes stay in, the homes of Muslims, as part of a campaign
called “Pair Up and Become Family.” To many Uyghurs, the cadres were little different from spies.
The cadres were tasked with reporting on whether the families they visited showed signs of “extremist behavior.” For women, this
included any resentment they might have felt about state-mandated contraceptive procedures.
When the party cadres came to stay in 2018, Zumret Dawut had just been forcibly sterilized.
Four Han cadres visited her in Urumqi, bringing yogurt and eggs to help with the recovery, she recalled. They were also armed with
questions: Did she have any issues with the sterilization operation? Was she dissatisfied with the government’s policy?
“I was so scared that if I said the wrong thing they would send me back to the camps,” said Ms. Dawut, a mother of three. “So I just told
them, ‘We are all Chinese people and we have to do what the Chinese law says.’”
Zumret Dawut in Virginia, where she lives. She was forcibly sterilized in Xinjiang.
But the officials’ unwelcome gaze settled also on Ms. Dawut’s 11-year-old daughter, she said. One cadre, a 19-year-old man who was
assigned to watch the child, would sometimes call Ms. Dawut and suggest taking her daughter to his home. She was able to rebuff him
with excuses that the child was sick, she said.
Other women reported having to fend off advances even in the company of their husbands.
Ms. Sedik, the Uzbek teacher, was still recovering from a sterilization procedure when her “relative” — her husband’s boss — showed up.
She was expected to cook, clean and entertain him even though she was in pain from the operation. Worse, he would ask to hold her hand
or to kiss and hug her, she said.
Mostly, Ms. Sedik agreed to his requests, terrified that if she refused, he would tell the government that she was an extremist. She rejected
him only once: when he asked to sleep with her.
It went on like this every month or so for two years — until she left the country.
“He would say, ‘Don’t you like me? Don’t you love me?’” she recalled. “‘If you refuse me, you are refusing the government.’”
“I felt so humiliated, oppressed and angry,” she said. “But there was nothing I could do.”